To be able to be put into use and have the United States electoral process benefit, the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2001 must first be passed, and that just may prove to be a task that is too much for the bill to handle.
To be able to be put into use and have the United States
electoral process benefit, the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2001 must
first be passed, and that just may prove to be a task that is too much for the
bill to handle. There are many steps that the bill must take and encounter many
groups. The aspects that will have a role in the final fate of the Act are
Congress, party organization, interest groups, and unorganized interests. Due
to irreconcilable differences in Congress, and various other problems within
the parties, and with other interests, no part of the Bipartisan Campaign
Reform Act of 2001 will actually become a law. Most of the members of Congress
do believe that some sort of reform is needed. Democrats feel that some things
need to happen and Republicans believe in other changes.
One might ask why reform is needed for campaign finance,
that question is easily answered. The nation has many perceived and arguably
true ideas of problems dealing with campaign finance. The idea of vote buying,
and other such corruptions are popular ideas among voters and politicians.
Another perceived problem is that money runs the entire electoral process, you
have to have money to win an election, and you have to have money even to run.
Another large problem that is perceived is the idea that at the presidential
level, appointments and committee choices are all based on the outcome of the
election.
Congress and its many members have various differences on
how campaign finance should be reformed. The Democratic Party strongly supports
the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform proposal. They feel that the
important legislation would improve their current campaign finance system by
dramatically reducing the influence of money on their political process. Many individuals
in the Democratic Party feel that subjects other than money and power should
drive political elections. The Democrats take this stand because as a whole,
the amount of money that the Democrats have at their disposal is far less than
that of the Republicans.
Republicans have consistently attacked the McCain-Feingold
bipartisan campaign finance reform proposal. The Republican-led U.S. Senate
filibustered the McCain-Feingold bill while House refused to schedule debate or
a vote on the Shays-Meehan bill. Being the more wealthy party, it is obvious
that Republican leaders are going to have some objection to a bill that intends
to ban soft money, and limit other areas of finances. Regulations on money
might mean a leveling of the playing field between the Republicans and
Democrats, something Republicans want to avoid at all costs.
Despite widespread agreement among politically active people
that the campaign finance system is flawed in one way or another, fundamental
changes are unlikely because there is no consensus on what would count as an
improvement or how to achieve it. Many Democrats favor a ban or a limit on
Political Action Committee (PAC) contributions. Many Democrats also favor
banning “soft money”, spending limits on campaigns, and more public financing
of campaigns. On the other hand, many Republicans favor prohibiting labor
unions from spending compulsory union dues on political activities. Many
Republicans also favor raising limits on individual donations, and restricting
donations from PAC’s. Republicans seem to oppose the bill much stronger than
Democrats do. Mitch McConnell, a Republican from Kentucky, questions the bill
and criticized the damage that it would do to political parties. "The
theory of this bill," said McConnell, "the underlying theory, is that
there is too much money in politics, in spite of the fact that last year
Americans spent more money on potato chips than they did on politics."
It is widely agreed upon that the McCain-Feingold bill is
the most prominent chance for a reform to actually take place. The provisions
of the bill are extensive (in an attempt to please both parties) some of the
main provisions include: A ban on soft money, the unlimited contributions to
the political parties, from corporations, unions, and wealthy individuals;
Codification of the Supreme Court's decision in the Beck case, which permits
non-union members to request a refund of the portion of the agency fees they
pay to the union in lieu of dues in some states that is used for political activities
unrelated to collective bargaining; A provision outlining the circumstances
under which spending by outside groups or parties will be considered to be
coordinated with candidates; A clear prohibition of political fundraising on
federal property. A clear prohibition on contributions of any sort by foreign
nationals; A prohibition on candidates using campaign funds for their personal
benefit.
The bill obviously holds many provisions that are meant to
please both the democrats and the Republicans. The big question is, are the two
parties going to be willing to budge and settle for what is proposed?
Another obstacle that I feel the bill is going to have to
contend with is the organization of the two parties. How are the parties going
to react at the local, state, and national levels? At the local level, the
parties are not really going to have a problem with the ban on soft money,
because soft money is not as much of an issue at the local level. The local
level will be affected by the fact that spending by outside groups will be
monitored. At the state level, the objections are going to start growing a
little. People running for state positions often benefit from the use of soft
money. Corporations and unions would be prevented from paying directly for issue
ads. This will be a large change, as now the parties will have to spend more of
their own money on the ads that they run. Any way you look at it, local, state,
or national, the different parties are going to feel the hit in different
areas, and I don’t think that they are going to like it.
Another area that is going to present an obstacle to the
bill are Political Action Committees (PAC’s) and other independent
organizations. PAC’s play a huge role in elections, and the parties rely
heavily on the money from the PAC’s. With the new bill, people would be
prohibited from giving “soft money” to the PAC’s. The bill also enacts a window
of time in which independent organizations to express political views with
messages that mention candidate’s names. The McCain-Feingold bill not only
limits donations but also limits political activities that unions,
corporations, and special interest organizations typically undertake. As
mentioned earlier the Supreme Court decision in the Beck case will be codified
which will also affect the political process. According to the Supreme Court a
dues paying nonmember employee (one who pays dues but has yet to join the
union) has the right to object to the local and national union and receive a
refund of funds collected for non-representational activities. A union giving
money to a political action committee or forming their own PAC would be an
example of a non-representational activity. This decision by the Court is going
to hamper the PAC process due to the fact that unions provide a lot of money.
Now that it is legal for nonmembers that pay dues to withhold their money, many
unions will not have the same amount of funds at their disposal as they had
previously.
As I said before, there are many steps for this bill to
take. It faces a long journey ahead of it filled with differences of opinions
between Congress members, members of the political parties, and PAC’s. And
although many people believe that some sort of change would be beneficial, or
change the entire process in a positive way, change is hard. Not just in
campaign finance, but in many aspects of politics, and business alike trying to
bring about a huge change is going to come up against problems. This is why I
feel that every part of the McCain-Feingold bill will fail.
| About the author |
Tom Feinberg has spent more than 15 years working as a professor at The University of Maine. Now he spends most of his time with his family and shares his experience about research papers. Tom Feinberg is a right person to ask about college research paper. |
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